Written by Morgan McCann

Introduction

Following Hamas’s October 7, 2023 attack on Israel and Israel’s devastating military reply—which has killed around 69,513 Palestinians and injured over 170,000—U.S. university campuses saw widespread pro-Palestinian protests calling for ceasefire and divestment.1See Grace Wermenbol, A Year on, October 7 Reinforces Dueling Narratives Among Israelis and Palestinians, Wilson Ctr. (Oct. 7, 2024), https://www.wilsoncenter.org/article/year-october-7-reinforces-dueling-narratives-among-israelis-and-palestinians (on file with American University International Law Review) (detailing the 2023 Hamas attack and the aftermath); Gaza Death Toll Rises to 69,513, Middle E. Eye (Nov. 19, 2025), https://www.middleeasteye.net/live-blog/live-blog-update/gaza-death-toll-rises-69513 (on file with American University International Law Review) (providing death toll information from the reliable Palestinian health ministry); Tariq Panja & Jennifer Schuessler, What to Know About the Campus Protests Over the Israel-Hamas War, The N.Y. Times (Apr. 17, 2024), https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/17/us/college-protests-israel-hamas-war-antisemitism.html (on file with American University International Law Review) (explaining the rise in pro-Palestine protests). See generally James L. Gelvin, The Israel-Palestine Conflict: A History (4th ed. 2021) (providing a historical account of the conflict between Israel and Palestine). In response, the Trump administration has conflated pro-Palestine activism with support for Hamas, antisemitism, and anti-American extremism.2See Johanna Alonso, What Trump Has Said About Antisemitism and Campus Protests, Inside Higher Ed. (Dec. 10, 2024), https://www.insidehighered.com/news/diversity/religion/2024/12/10/what-trump-has-said-about-antisemitism-and-campus-protests (on file with American University International Law Review) (noting Trump’s long shown allegiance to Israel in international politics and his view that the pro-Palestinian student protest movement is inherently antisemitic). See generally Ahmed Alkhatib, The Left Must Stop Apologizing for Hamas, Forward (Mar. 4, 2024), https://forward.com/opinion/588680/hamas-pro-palestinian-activism-left/ (on file with American University International Law Review) (explaining that support for Palestinian liberation is not synonymous with support for Hamas, its exclusionary ideology, or its violent agenda). In March 2025, building on this narrative, the State Department launched the “Catch and Revoke” initiative, which uses Artificial Intelligence (AI) tools to scrape social media and identify “foreign nationals who appear to support Hamas or other designated terror groups.”3See Marc Caputo, Scoop: State Dept. to Use AI to Revoke Visas of Foreign Students Who Appear “Pro-Hamas”, Axios (Mar. 6, 2025), https://www.axios.com/2025/03/06/state-department-ai-revoke-foreign-student-visas-hamas (on file with American University International Law Review) (reporting the new initiative). These individuals then became targets for student visa cancellations.4See Faiza Patel, U.S. AI-Driven “Catch and Revoke” Initiative Threatens First Amendment Rights, Just Sec. (Mar. 18, 2025), https://www.justsecurity.org/109069/u-s-ai-driven-catch-and-revoke-initiative-threatens-first-amendment-rights/ (on file with American University International Law Review) (explaining the legal consequences of the initiative). In practice, the initiative disproportionately targets foreign students engaged in peaceful advocacy, not terrorism.5See Richard Herman, Understanding the Impact of Student Visas Revoked Amid “Catch and Revoke” Program, Herman Legal Grp., https://www.lawfirm4immigrants.com/student-visas-revoked-catch-and-revoke-trump-and-rubio-use-ai-and-social-media-to-target-international-students-for-deportation/ (on file with American University International Law Review) (last visited Jan. 27, 2026) (explaining the legal consequences of the initiative). Critics argue that the AI tools are to blame because they rely on basic keyword searches that produce biased, discriminatory, and false results.6See Minnie Fu & Michael H. Neifach, ‘Catch and Revoke’ Program Takes Off: State Department AI-Driven Visa Crackdown, Jackson Lewis (Apr. 3, 2025), https://www.globalimmigrationblog.com/2025/04/catch-and-revoke-program-takes-off-state-department-ai-driven-visa-crackdown/ (on file with American University International Law Review) (criticizing the initiative). See generally Philip Boucher, How Artificial Intelligence Works, EPRS – Eur. Parl. Res. Serv. (Mar. 2019) (describing the pitfalls of AI).

The U.S. has violated Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) by failing to uphold the right to freedom of expression for all people within its territory.7International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Dec. 19, 1996, 999 U.N.T.S. art. 19 [hereinafter ICCPR]. Although Article 19(3) provides a national security exception to this obligation, General Comment No. 34 provides that any restriction on freedom of expression must be (a) provided by law, (b) necessary, (c) proportionate, and (d) pursuing a legitimate aim.8Id. art. 19(3). See Human Rights Committee General Comment No. 34 on Article 19: Freedoms of opinion and expression, U.N. Doc. CCPR/C/GC/34 (2011) [hereinafter General Comment No. 34] (elaborating on permitted national security restrictions on freedom of expression). See generally Stig Langvad & Marite Decker, The Purpose and Use of UN Treaty Body General Comments, ENIL (Nov. 8, 2018), https://enil.eu/the-purpose-and-use-of-un-treaty-body-general-comments/ (on file with American University International Law Review) (asserting that even though General Comments are nonbinding, they should be recognized by states as the authoritative interpretation of a Convention right). Nevertheless, the lack of formal AI regulations and independent oversight of the “Catch and Revoke” initiative make it extremely difficult for the U.S. to meet the requirements for this exception.9See AI Watch: Global Regulatory Tracker – United States, White & Case LLP (Sept. 24, 2025), https://www.whitecase.com/insight-our-thinking/ai-watch-global-regulatory-tracker-united-states (on file with American University International Law Review) (reporting that there is currently no legal framework that regulates AI in the U.S.) See generally Ayesha Haq, Are We Ready to Regulate Artificial Intelligence?, Ohio Bar (Feb. 21, 2025), https://www.ohiobar.org/member-tools-benefits/practice-resources/practice-library-search/practice-library/2025-ohio-lawyer/are-we-ready-to-regulate-artificial-intelligence/ (on file with American University International Law Review) (illustrating what AI governance looks like and why it is needed).

Background

Many advocacy groups believe that the faulty “Catch and Revoke” initiative has already resulted in hundreds of arrests and student visa revocations of peaceful protestors.10See e.g., State Department Launches “Catch and Revoke” Initiative to Revoke Visas of Students Engaged in “Pro-Hamas” Activity, Immigr. Pol’y Tracking Project (Mar. 6, 2025), https://immpolicytracking.org/policies/reported-state-department-plans-to-use-ai-to-revoke-visas-of-students-engaged-in-pro-hamas-activity/ (on file with American University International Law Review) (tracking the initiative’s process). For instance, Mahmoud Khalil, a lawful permanent resident of the U.S. and a Palestinian Columbia University student activist both online and offline, was arrested by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents on March 8, 2025.11M.K. v. Joyce, No. 25CV01935, 2025 WL 849268, at *5 (S.D.N.Y. Mar. 9, 2025) (petition for writ of habeas corpus). The agents were ordered by the State Department to revoke Khalil’s student visa, despite him having no student visa to revoke and no ties to terrorism, illustrating the discriminatory nature of the AI tools.12Id. at 6. Additionally, Leqaa Kordia, a Palestinian woman with no record of campus activism and no online content related to Palestine, was detained after being misidentified as a Columbia protester, indicating that the AI likely misidentified her based on ethnicity and flawed keyword association.13Kordia v. Noem, No. 3:25-cv-01072-L-BT, 2025 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 39135, at *8 (N.D. Tex. Apr. 30, 2025) (petition for writ of habeas corpus).  These arrests along with others have created a chilling effect, where foreign students avoid protests and censor their speech for fear of detention or deportation.14See US Revokes Nearly 1,700 Student Visas: Who Are the Targets?, Al Jazeera (Apr. 18, 2025), https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/4/18/us-revokes-nearly-1500-student-visas-who-are-the-targets (on file with American University International Law Review) (describing the consequences of the initiative). The U.S. frames this restriction on freedom of expression as necessary for national security but is unable to meet the ICCPR requirements for this exception.

Analysis

A. Provided by Law

The ICCPR requirement that a restriction on freedom of expression must be provided by law demands that the law be compatible with ICCPR objectives, to protect and preserve basic civil and political rights.15See General Comment No. 34, supra note 8, ¶ 24. The law must also provide sufficient guidance to enable an individual to regulate their conduct accordingly.16Id. ¶ 25. Lastly, the law is only valid when provided by parliament or sanctioned by a court.17Id. ¶ 22.

Two Trump executive orders form the basis of the “Catch and Revoke” initiative.18See Exec. Order No. 14161, 90 C.F.R. 8451 (2025); Exec. Order No. 14188, 90 C.F.R. 8816 (2025). The first directed the State Department to “vet and screen” all foreign nationals already in the U.S. and authorized visa revocation under the vague “foreign policy consequences” provision of the 1952 Immigration and Nationality Act.19Exec. Order No. 14161, 90 C.F.R. 8451 (2025). See Immigration and Nationality Act, 8 U.S.C. § 1227(a)(4)(C)(i) (“An alien whose presence or activities in the United States the Secretary of State has reasonable ground to believe would have potentially serious adverse foreign policy consequences for the United States is deportable.”). The second linked pro-Palestine campus protests to antisemitism, enabling immigration consequences for students participating in such activism.20Exec. Order No. 14188, 90 C.F.R. 8816 (2025). First, these orders are incompatible with ICCPR objectives because they effectively criminalize political advocacy.21See ICCPR, supra note 7, art. 19 (protecting political speech); Patel, supra note 4 (asserting that the initiative is framed as an anti-terrorism measure but is being used to terrorize foreigners); see also U.S. Const. amend. I (providing for freedom of expression under U.S. domestic law). Furthermore, the executive orders lack clear guidance for individuals to understand what speech may lead to visa revocation and were not passed by Congress or a court.22See Exec. Order No. 14188, 90 C.F.R. 8816 (2025) (failing to define what sorts of expression would adversely impact U.S. foreign policy); Exec. Order No. 14161, 90 C.F.R. 8451 (2025) (conflating Palestinian advocacy with antisemitism); see also Christopher Durocher, What is an Executive Order and What Legal Weight Does It Carry?, ACS (Mar. 19, 2025), https://www.acslaw.org/inbrief/what-is-an-executive-order-and-what-legal-weight-does-it-carry/ (on file with American University International Law Review) (explaining the legal weight of an executive order). However, with proper AI regulations, such as human oversight and transparency mechanisms, that do not conflate being pro-Palestine with being pro-Hamas, Trump could seek congressional approval to create valid laws that support the initiative’s goal of targeting terrorist sympathizers and fulfill the provided by law requirement.

B. Necessary

Without formal AI regulations, the U.S. does not meet the necessity requirement because it cannot show that the protection achieved by its restriction could not be achieved in other ways that do not restrict freedom of expression.23General Comment No. 34, supra note 8, ¶ 22. An alternative measure could be AI-based investigations of visa applicants who have actual links to designated terror groups, instead of broad categories of already-approved students.24See Rachel Levinson-Waldman, Social Media Surveillance by Homeland Security Investigations: A Threat to Immigrant Communities and Free Expression, Brennan Ctr. for Just. (Nov. 15, 2019), https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/social-media-surveillance-homeland-security-investigations-threat (on file with American University International Law Review) (reporting past social media surveillance measures adopted by the U.S. government). Thus, if the U.S. adopted formal AI regulations and oversight mechanisms, the “Catch and Revoke” initiative could effectively monitor social media in a way that achieved national security protection without infringing on human rights.

C. Proportional

To demonstrate proportionality, restrictive measures must not be overbroad, but rather “must be appropriate to achieve their protective function; they must be the least intrusive instrument amongst those which might achieve their protective function; [and] they must be proportionate to the interest to be protected.”25General Comment No. 34, supra note 8. Instead of focusing on individuals with actual ties to extremist groups, the current broad initiative sweeps up thousands of students based on vague signals.26See Caputo, supra note 3 (arguing that the government’s justification that all foreigners have the potential of posing a threat to national security is too broad). The initiative disproportionately targets Arab, Muslim, and Palestinian individuals,27See US Revokes Nearly 1,700 Student Visas: Who Are the Targets?, supra note 14 (explaining how many of the students who have had their visas revoked as part of this initiative are Arab and/or Muslim and have participated in pro-Palestine protests and other forms of activism but have not expressed support for terror groups). misinterprets political dissent as support for terrorism,28See Caputo, supra note 3 (noting how the initiative targets harmless political speech). and generates false positives due to unsophisticated keyword scanning.29See Patel, supra note 4 (illustrating how AI algorithms can lead to misinterpretation of online content). However, if the AI was better restricted and monitored, the bias, discriminatory, and false nature of the initiative could be corrected so that the U.S. could meet the proportionality requirement.

D. Legitimate Aim

To meet the legitimate aim requirement, the U.S.’s restriction on freedom of expression must not suppress information of legitimate public interest; however, that is exactly what the “Catch and Revoke” initiative is intended to do.30General Comment No. 34, supra note 8. Although the initiative is framed as protecting national security and combating antisemitism, its actual function is to silence political criticism of U.S. foreign policy and Israel’s military conduct.31See Panja & Schuessler, supra note 1 (asserting that protestors are not inciting violence but calling for peace). Students are calling for an end to civilian suffering in Gaza, a matter of urgent public concern, and suppressing such speech is incompatible with international human rights norms.32See Alonso, supra note 2 (reporting the Trump Administration’s efforts to silence students and place foreign nationals under unprecedented scrutiny simply for denouncing a genocide that has horrified the global community). If the U.S. genuinely desired to use the “Catch and Revoke” initiative to identify and revoke the visas of national security threats, formal AI regulations and independent oversight are necessary to ensure that fundamental human rights are not ignored.

Conclusion

The “Catch and Revoke” initiative violates Article 19 of the ICCPR and the fundamental right to freedom of expression. Without formal AI regulation, transparency, accountability, and oversight, the U.S. cannot justify the program as a national security measure. Unless checked, this model may invite other states to deploy AI to suppress dissent, undermining international human rights protections globally.

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